What The Russian Government Really Means When It Says "Denazification" Of Ukraine

"Ukraine, as history has shown, is impossible as a nation-state, and attempts to "build" such a state inevitably lead to Nazism. Ukrainianism is an artificial anti-Russian construction..."

Apr 07, 2022

“What Russia Should Do With Ukraine, by Тимофей Сергейцев (Timofey Sergeitsev)
RIA Novosti 08:00 03.04.2022 (updated: 19:36 05.04.2022)
Back in April of last year, we wrote about the inevitability of Ukraine's denazification. We do not need a Nazi, Banderite Ukraine, an enemy of Russia and an instrument of the West to destroy Russia. Today the issue of denazification has moved to the practical plane.

Denazification is necessary when a significant part of the people - most likely its majority - is mastered and dragged by the Nazi regime into its politics. That is, when the hypothesis "the people are good - the government is bad" does not work. Recognition of this fact is the basis of the policy of denazification, of all its activities, and the fact itself constitutes its subject matter.

Ukraine is in just such a situation. The fact that Ukrainian voters voted for "Poroshenko's peace" and "Zelensky's peace" should not be misleading - Ukrainians were quite happy with the shortest path to peace through blitzkrieg, which the last two Ukrainian presidents transparently hinted at when they were elected. This very method of "appeasement" of internal anti-fascists - through total terror - was used in Odessa, Kharkov, Dnepropetrovsk, Mariupol, and other Russian cities. And it suited the Ukrainian average citizen quite well. Denazification is a set of measures in relation to the Nazified mass of the population, which technically cannot be directly punished as war criminals.

Nazis who have taken up arms must be destroyed on the battlefield to the maximum extent possible. No significant distinction should be made between the AFU and the so-called Natsbat, as well as the territorial defense units that joined these two types of military formations. All of them are equally complicit in outrageous cruelty against civilians, equally guilty of genocide of the Russian people, and do not observe the laws and customs of war. War criminals and active Nazis should be approximately and demonstrably punished. A total lustration must be carried out. Any organizations that have associated themselves with the practice of Nazism must be eliminated and banned. However, in addition to the top brass, a significant portion of the mass of the people who are passive Nazis and Nazi collaborators is also guilty. They supported and indulged the Nazi power. Just punishment for this part of the population is only possible as the bearing of the inevitable burdens of a just war against the Nazi system, waged as gently and discreetly as possible against civilians. The further denazification of this mass of the population consists in re-education, which is achieved by ideological repression (suppression) of Nazi attitudes and severe censorship: not only in the political sphere, but necessarily also in the sphere of culture and education. It was through culture and education that the deep mass Nazification of the population was prepared and carried out, consolidated by the promise of dividends from the Nazi regime's victory over Russia, Nazi propaganda, internal violence and terror, and the eight-year war with the rebellious Ukrainian Nazi people of Donbass.

Denazification can only be carried out by the victor, which presupposes (1) his unconditional control of the denazification process and (2) the power to ensure such control. In this respect, the denazified country cannot be sovereign. The denazifying state - Russia - cannot proceed from a liberal approach to denazification. The ideology of the denazifier cannot be challenged by the guilty party undergoing denazification. Russia's recognition of the need for denazification of Ukraine means the recognition of the impossibility of the Crimean scenario for Ukraine as a whole. However, this scenario was also impossible in 2014 in the rebellious Donbass. Only eight years of resistance to Nazi violence and terror led to internal cohesion and a conscious, unequivocal mass refusal to maintain any kind of unity and connection with Ukraine, which defined itself as a Nazi society.

The timeframe of denazification can in no way be less than one generation, which must be born, grow and mature under the conditions of denazification. The Nazification of Ukraine has been going on for more than 30 years - starting at least in 1989, when Ukrainian nationalism received legal and legitimate forms of political expression and led the movement for "independence" towards Nazism.

The peculiarity of modern Nazified Ukraine is its amorphousness and ambivalence, which allow it to disguise Nazism as a desire for "independence" and a "European" (Western, pro-American) path of "development. (in reality - to degradation), to claim that "there is no Nazism in Ukraine, only private sporadic excesses. There is no main Nazi party, no Führer, and no full-fledged racial laws (only a stripped-down version in the form of repression of the Russian language). As a consequence, there is no opposition and no resistance to the regime.

However, all of the above does not make Ukrainian Nazism a "light version" of the German Nazism of the first half of the twentieth century. On the contrary - since Ukrainian Nazism is free of such "genre" (political-technological in essence) frames and restrictions, it unfolds freely as the fundamental basis of all Nazism - as European and, in the most developed form, American racism. Therefore, denazification cannot be carried out in a compromise, based on a formula such as "NATO - no, EU - yes". The collective West itself is the designer, source and sponsor of Ukrainian Nazism, while the Western Bandera cadres and their "historical memory" are only one of the instruments of Nazification of Ukraine. Ukronazism is no less of a threat to peace and Russia than Hitler's version of German Nazism.

The name "Ukraine" apparently cannot be retained as the title of any fully denazified state formation on territory freed from the Nazi regime. The People's Republics newly established in Nazi-liberated territory must and will grow out of the practice of economic self-government and social welfare, the restoration and modernization of the population's life-support systems.

Their political aspirations in fact cannot be neutral - redemption of guilt towards Russia for treating it as an enemy can only be realized in reliance on Russia in the processes of reconstruction, revival and development. No "Marshall Plan" for these territories should be allowed. There can be no "neutrality" in the ideological and practical sense, compatible with denazification. Cadres and organizations that are instruments of denazification in the new denazified republics cannot but rely on the direct power and organizational support of Russia.

Denazification will inevitably be de-Ukrainianization - a rejection of the large-scale artificial inflation of the ethnic component of the self-identification of the population of the territories of historical Little Russia and Novorossia, which was started by the Soviet authorities. As a tool of communist superpower, after the fall of communist power, this artificial ethnocentrism did not remain orphaned. In this service capacity, it was taken over by another superpower (power over states) - the superpower of the West. It must be returned to its natural boundaries and stripped of its political functionality.

Unlike, say, Georgia and the Baltic states, Ukraine, as history has shown, is impossible as a nation-state, and attempts to "build" such a state inevitably lead to Nazism. Ukrainianism is an artificial anti-Russian construction, which has no civilizational content of its own, a subordinate element of a foreign and alien civilization. Debanderization by itself will not be enough for denazification - the Banderite element is only a performer and a screen, a disguise for the European project of Nazi Ukraine, so the denazification of Ukraine is also its inevitable de-Europeanization.

The Banderovian top brass must be liquidated; it is impossible to re-educate them. The social "swamp," which actively and passively supported it through action and inaction, must survive the hardships of the war and assimilate the experience as a historical lesson and atonement for its guilt. Those who did not support the Nazi regime, who suffered from it and the war it unleashed in Donbass, must be consolidated and organized, must become the support of the new power, its vertical and horizontal. Historical experience shows that wartime tragedies and dramas benefit peoples who have been seduced and carried away by the role of Russia's enemy.

Denazification as the goal of the special military operation itself is understood as a military victory over the Kiev regime, liberation of territories from armed supporters of Nazification, elimination of irreconcilable Nazis, capture of war criminals, and creation of systemic conditions for subsequent peacetime denazification.

The latter, in turn, should begin with the organization of local self-government, police and defense, purged of Nazi elements, launching on their basis the founding processes of the new republican statehood, integrating this statehood into close cooperation with the Russian agency for the denazification of Ukraine (newly created or remade, say, from Rossotrudnichestvo** [the Soviet Committee for Cultural Ties with Fellow Countrymen Abroad - see below]), with the adoption under Russian control of a republican regulatory framework (legislation) for denazification, defining its borders and frameworks directly Russia should act as a custodian of the Nuremberg Trials in this regard.

All of the above means that in order to achieve the goals of denazification, the support of the population is necessary, their transition to Russia after liberation from the terror, violence and ideological pressure of the Kiev regime, after being removed from the informational isolation. Of course, it will take some time for people to recover from the shock of military action, to become convinced of Russia's long-term intentions - that "they will not be abandoned. It is impossible to foresee in advance in which territories such a mass of the population will constitute a critically needed majority. "The Catholic province" (Western Ukraine, comprised of five regions) is unlikely to be part of the pro-Russian territories. The line of exclusion, however, will be found experientially. A hostile to Russia, but forcibly neutral and demilitarized Ukraine with formally banned Nazism will remain behind it. Russia-haters will go there. A guarantee that this residual Ukraine will remain neutral should be the threat of an immediate continuation of the military operation if the aforementioned requirements are not met. This would probably require a permanent Russian military presence on its territory. From the alienation line and up to the Russian border would be the territory of potential integration into Russian civilization, anti-fascist in its inner nature.

The operation to denazify Ukraine, which began with the military phase, will follow in peacetime the same logic of stages as the military operation. At each of them it will be necessary to achieve irreversible changes, which will be the results of the corresponding stage. In doing so, the necessary initial steps of denazification can be defined as follows:

-Liquidation of armed Nazi formations (by which we mean any armed formations of Ukraine, including the AFU), as well as the military, informational, and educational infrastructure that ensures their activity;

-formation of people's self-government bodies and militia (defense and law and order) of the liberated territories, protecting the population from the terror of underground Nazi groups;

-installation of the Russian information space;

-seizure of educational materials and prohibition of educational programs of all levels that contain Nazi ideological attitudes;

-mass investigative actions to establish personal responsibility for war crimes, crimes against humanity, dissemination of Nazi ideology, and support for the Nazi regime;

-The listing and publication of the names of those who collaborated with the Nazi regime, and their compulsory work to rebuild the destroyed infrastructure as punishment for their Nazi activities (among those to whom the death penalty or imprisonment will not be imposed);

-Adoption at the local level, under the curatorship of Russia, of the primary regulatory acts of denazification "from below," banning all types and forms of revival of Nazi ideology;

-Establishing memorials, commemorative signs, monuments to the victims of Ukrainian Nazism, commemorating the heroes of the struggle against it;

-Inclusion of a set of anti-fascist and denazification norms in the constitutions of the new People's Republics;

-Creation of permanent denazification bodies for a period of 25 years.

Russia will have no allies in the denazification of Ukraine. Because this is a purely Russian affair. And also because not only the Bandera version of Nazi Ukraine will be subject to eradication, but also and above all the Western totalitarianism, the imposed programs of civilizational degradation and collapse, the mechanisms of subordination to the superpower of the West and the USA.

In order to implement the plan of denazification of Ukraine, Russia itself will have to finally give up its pro-European and pro-Western illusions, to realize itself as the last instance of protection and preservation of the values of historical Europe (Old World), which deserve it and which the West ultimately abandoned, having lost in the struggle for itself. This struggle continued throughout the twentieth century and was expressed in the World War and the Russian Revolution, inextricably linked to each other.

Russia did all it could to save the West in the twentieth century. It implemented the main Western project, the alternative to capitalism that defeated the nation-states - the socialist, red project. It crushed German Nazism, the monstrous generation of the crisis of Western civilization. The last act of Russian altruism was Russia's outstretched hand of friendship, for which Russia received a monstrous blow in the 1990s.

Everything Russia did for the West, it did at its own expense, by making the greatest sacrifices. The West ultimately rejected all these sacrifices, devalued Russia's contribution to resolving the Western crisis, and decided to take revenge on Russia for the help it unselfishly provided. From here on, Russia will go its own way, without worrying about the fate of the West, relying on another part of its legacy: leadership in the global process of decolonization.

As part of this process, Russia has high potential for partnership and alliance relations with countries that the West has oppressed for centuries and are not about to put on its yoke again. Without Russian sacrifice and struggle, these countries would not be liberated. The denazification of Ukraine is at the same time its decolonization, a fact to be understood by the people of Ukraine as they begin to free themselves from the stupefaction, temptation, and dependency of the so-called European choice.”

https://ria.ru/20220403/ukraina-1781469605.html

also available at: https://archive.ph/78PuH#selection-3295.0-3295.36

Timofey Sergeitsev is a Russian political scientist, representative of the methodological movement, and screenwriter. He represents the tradition of the "activist approach" in Russian thought proposed in the first half of the 1950s by Alexander Zinoviev and developed by Georgy Shchedrovitsky and the Moscow Methodist Circle. Timofey Sergeitsev entered the MIPT in 1980 at the Department of General and Applied Physics. In 1981, he entered the field of activity of George Shchedrovitsky, whom he considers his teacher. In 1980-90 he was involved in organizing "org-activitistic games" (ODI). In 1988-92 he was the organizer and leader of the Laboratory of Management Methodology at the RAF factory in Jelgava, Latvia. He collaborates with the Russian political technologists Dmitry Kulikov and Iskander Valitov, for whom he acts as a senior partner. Political Technological Activities. In 1995, he led Valery Galchenko to second place in the election of the governor of the Moscow region. In 1996, he won the election campaign for mayor of Novorossiysk, and then led election campaigns in Ussuriysk and Nakhodka. He was one of the leaders of the election campaigns in Ukraine: Victor Pinchuk in the parliamentary elections (Dnepropetrovsk, 1998); Leonid Kuchma in the presidential elections (1999); Sergey Kasyanov in the parliamentary elections (Dnepropetrovsk region, 2002); Arseniy Yatsenyuk in the presidential elections (2009); advised Viktor Yanukovych in the presidential elections (2004). In Russia: presidential elections in Udmurtia (Nikolai Ganza, 2000), presidential elections in Yakutia (Mikhail Nikolaev and Vyacheslav Shtyrov, 2001). Business and media consulting. In 1998-2000, Timofei Sergeitsev was a media and business consultant. In 1998-2000, he advised Victor Pinchuk's media and business projects (reorganisation of the TV channel ICTV, reorganisation of "Interpipe" group, where he was a board member, implemented "Street TV" project during the presidential campaign in 1999). In 2008 Sergiy Mirzoev and Partners was the chief analyst of the bar association. He is a screenwriter. On the script Timofey Sergeev filmed "Match", which is based on a real event: the death match in 1942 in Nazi-occupied Kiev. The film was scandalized by the fact that, according to the script, the main negative characters in it are Ukrainians. For several weeks the State Cinema refused to give a distribution license to the film. The premiere screenings of "Match" in Ukraine were disrupted by representatives of "Liberty" in Kiev and Zaporozhye.”

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