Belarussian Anarchists Write On The War In Ukraine - And Why Anarchists Should Aid And Fight For Ukraine's Freedom
And this also appears to be the position of Russian and Ukrainian anarchists as well. The analysis given is fair and evenhanded, and from what I've seen, makes a lot of sense.
“Belarusian anarchists temporarily in Poland have formulated their position on the war in Ukraine and the participation of anarchists in it. "Autonomous Action" generally agrees with their assessments and believes that everything they said about Belarus is largely applicable to contemporary Russia as well. We publish the full text of the statement of the Belarusian comrades.” https://avtonom.org/news/poziciya-gruppy-belaruskih-anarhistov-v-varshave-po-voyne-v-ukraine
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After February 24, we often discuss what is happening among ourselves and with comrades from different countries. Why did the war start? How did it change political prospects of the region and, in particular, of Belarus? How do we feel about NATO? Is it possible, remaining anarchists, to serve in the state armed forces? Finally, what to do in the context of war, being part of the diaspora in Poland? On these and other questions, we have formulated a collective position, which we have outlined in this text.
I. General definition of the situation
We believe it is incorrect to speak of the conflict as a proxy war between Russia and NATO. At this stage, it is Ukraine's domestic war against Russian invasion. We have two theses in favor of this vision:
The idea of a "proxy war" implies that the Ukrainian state and Ukrainian people are only "puppets of the West." In fact, Ukraine has an existence of its own. Besides the fact that, as anarchists, we always seek to see the will of the weak and oppressed, this existence has been proven in practice. Today we know that at the very beginning of the war, Western political leaders were confident that Russia would soon succeed. That is why, for example, there were no serious arms deliveries, and Biden offered to evacuate Zelensky. "The powers that be" decided everything in advance, but the will of the Ukrainian people broke their plans.
In the active participation of the people lies the second component of the concept of "domestic war." On the Russian side, the professional military fights with the passive support of the majority of the population. On the Ukrainian side, the entire society rallied and actively participated in the resistance. This is confirmed by many studies and facts: from skyrocketing donations to military funds and huge queues to the militia to mass participation in the volunteer movement. Moreover, this cohesion is not the result of military propaganda, but a natural response to an armed invasion, a desire to protect their lives and physical safety, as well as the political freedoms achieved in the struggles of previous years. In this case, the Ukrainian people dictate the position to the authorities rather than the other way around.
II. On the causes of the war.
The Kremlin covers its aggression by claiming to fight Ukrainian Nazism, but this is only an ideological smokescreen. The dominance of the ultra-right in Ukraine is greatly exaggerated. They had influence in the streets and were represented in some state bodies, but the overwhelming influence in all state institutions, in the media and in public opinion belonged and still belongs to the liberal-democratic forces.
One of the main reasons for the war is the greater number of political freedoms in Ukraine compared to Russia. Ukraine is a regional example of alternative statehood and experience of successful government overthrow. In addition, the ruling elite in Russia understands that when a revolution breaks out in their country and they want to suppress it by armed force, culturally close Ukraine could become an important military ally of the Russian rebels. Many of our comrades were forced to flee Russia and Belarus, and found refuge in Ukraine and saw it as a place to continue the fight against authoritarian regimes in their countries.
The second reason for the aggression is imperialist and revanchist logic. The Russian elite considers all territories that have ever been part of Russia or the USSR to be its own fiefdom or zone where satellite countries should be. Russia has conducted military operations before, using the tactic of creating "pustules" that interfere with the development of neighboring countries outside the control of the Kremlin: for example, in Moldova, Georgia, and Donetsk, Luhansk, and Crimea inUkraine prior to 2022. This tactic was used because of the lack of forces. With the accumulation of economic resources and the development of the military-industrial complex, Russia switched to a new tactic of full-scale invasion and war.
In addition, war, as in all previous human history, remains the usual plunder, and Putin is counting on the capture of resources, agricultural, energy, and industrial complexes in Ukraine. In this sense, the Russian elite is the brainchild of the capitalist expansionist logic, equally characteristic of Western political elites.
III. Russian and NATO imperialism
The three points listed above are the original interest of the Russian government, which underlies the war. Its realization collides with the imperialist interests of some Western countries. Let us dwell on the confrontation between Russia and NATO separately.
We are aware of the history of bloody conflicts unleashed by NATO countries and we have no doubts about their criminal intentions today. Moreover, we see a share of the guilt of Western politicians in the war that has begun. After all, it was not Putin's idea to solve issues by force, blackmail, deception and bribery. In fact, he simply accepts and perpetuates the rules of the game by which politicians around the world operate. Even now we see a continuation of this approach, with Western oil and gas companies continuing to pump money into Putin, and Western Establishment supporters of the "pragmatic" approach suggesting that some Ukrainians surrender to the occupation. We condemn such policies based on lust for profit and fear of losing power. At the same time, we hope for pressure from European nations that can force their authorities to provide real military assistance to Ukraine and give up claims of colonial control over that country. At the same time, we consider the very situation in which Ukraine, confronting Russian imperialism, needs a powerful ally to be a sad reality of the system of global inequality.
We are aware of the economic and military interests of Western elites in our region, and we clearly oppose NATO's eastward expansion. Elsewhere, NATO acts by military force, but in our region in recent decades Western countries have used a method of so-called "soft power”. Russia also uses this strategy, making neighboring countries economically dependent and exporting its culture here. But the Kremlin's main method in the region is brute police and military force. We cannot equate these approaches. In the case of "soft power" of NATO countries, we are left fools and in poverty, in the case of "brute force" of the Kremlin, we find ourselves beaten and imprisoned or killed under missile attacks.
In general, we have no illusions about NATO imperialism, but in our region the main enemy here and now is Russian imperialism.
As anarchists from Belarus, we look at the Russian government as a regional "gendarme of revolutions”. The defeat of the 2020 uprising in our country is largely due to Putin's support of the Lukashenko regime. We see a similar story in Kazakhstan. In such uprisings, the Kremlin sees only machinations of the West and does not believe that they can be organized by society in its own interests. In case of Russia's military defeat, we hope that Putin's power will be shaken and the main pillar of authoritarianism in the region will be destroyed.
IV. Why We Support Ukraine
What happens if Ukraine loses? First of all, Ukraine will not lose. But if something like this happens, the main result will be the genocide of Ukrainian society. Beyond that, we see two scenarios:
A Kremlin victory could mean further aggression against Poland and the Baltic states, and possibly the outbreak of a world war and a nuclear clash. If Western countries do not support Ukraine sufficiently, Putin will see this as weakness, see the success of his strategy, and want to move on.
If it does not come to an escalation, we will see a new Iron Curtain.
Authoritarianism in our region will be reinforced for decades, and the people of Belarus, Russia and the occupied part of Ukraine will be condemned to poverty and police terror. We have lived in Belarus and we know what a dictatorship is, what a mass violent suppression of discontent is. We do not wish such a fate for anyone and we support those who resist it.
On the contrary, what will happen if Ukraine wins? Then Putin's regime will be seriously shaken and will pull authoritarian regimes in neighboring countries with it. This would open up opportunities for expanding political freedoms, new economic forms and ways of political participation. Strengthening society and weakening the state will be a real chance for anti-establishment transformation in the region.
Thus, we do not support the pragmatic tactic of "the lesser evil" or any other form of realpolitik. We profess a politics of values. In this case, we put the value of human life and physical safety first. This choice leads us to support Ukraine. We cannot accept tens of thousands killed and millions of broken lives if Russia wins. We know that this victory will reinforce dictatorships in our region and perpetuate for decades the terror that the people of Belarus and Russia suffer daily. That is why we want Russia's defeat and Ukraine's victory.
V. Anarchists' involvement in the war
From the first days of the full-scale invasion, anarchists have participated in the resistance. Part of the comrades and comrades form international self-help initiatives to provide material support for anti-authoritarian fighters and civilians affected by the war. Another part acts within the Territorial Defense and other units of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.
By participating in this war, the anarchists oppose the imperialist invasion and the war crimes and genocide associated with it. That is, the most abhorrent and violent forms of power.
We understand that joining the state structures is a retreat from the anarchist tradition, but we support our comrades' decision. This is the only possible way at this stage to offer armed resistance to the invasion and to advance the strategic goals of anarchism in the region. Whenever possible, we help such fighters and encourage others to do so. We also support other, non-military, ways of resisting Russian aggression.
If anarchists decided to act as an autonomous armed unit within Ukraine, they would simply be destroyed. Especially at the beginning of the war, when many sabotage groups were operating in the cities, friendly fire from the Ukrainian army was not uncommon. An unregistered group under an unknown symbol would definitely have fallen into this trap. In addition, the anarchists did not have the necessary skills, material supplies, and weapons to form an autonomous force when the war began.
Participation in the war allows one to acquire the necessary resources and skills for future organizational forms, while participation in the nationwide resistance gives anarchists additional influence to advance the interests of the oppressed sections of society and to counteract negative tendencies.
An alternative tactic would have been to run away, and we support those who have taken advantage of it. At the same time, many men, the poor, or people confined to sick relatives or animals are deprived of this option. For them, not resisting means being under occupation. For political activists and especially anarchists, the occupation is a guaranteed prison or death.
In addition, we, as refugees from Belarus, consider fleeing to be the worst option, not the best. War is not just a natural disaster from which one can only escape. Therefore, if there is a possibility to continue resistance, it is better to continue it where you are.
VI. Belarus and the war in Ukraine
Despite the "anti-Nazi" rhetoric of the Belarusian regime, the state is acquiring more and more fascist features:
1. The cult of force and the transformation of physical violence into the only pillar of statehood, the constant discourse about an external enemy;
2. Militarization of state institutions: there are security forces in key positions, for example in the Security Council;
3. Regular exercises under aggressive rhetoric, purchase of new weapons, increase in the army;
4. The merger of big business and the state;
5. Discourse on the fusion of state and society, where the latter is impossible without the former;
6. State control of the cultural and media spheres.
Taking into account the nature of the regime and Lukashenko's dependence on the Kremlin, his support for Russian aggression looks logical.
At the same time, anti-war sentiments are strong in the Belarusian society. Even taking into account the power of the repressive apparatus, people have deployed wide activity: sabotage on the railroad, publication of intelligence and de-anonymization of the military, protests on the day of the referendum, numerous symbolic actions with posters, leaflets, and graffiti. Many Belarusians became volunteers in the Ukrainian army. Belarusian diasporas actively joined the international volunteer network of support for the Ukrainian people.
We are in solidarity with such actions and initiatives and believe that our contribution to the victory of Ukraine is at the same time a contribution to our victory over the Lukashenko regime.
VII. Vectors of political struggle in the context of war
In the context of the war, the main objective is to fully support the Ukrainian people. In addition, there are some specific goals that are important to us as part of the Belarusian diaspora in Poland:
Under massive pressure from the peoples of Russia and Belarus and with increasing economic losses, the Kremlin can stop the invasion. Therefore, it is important to support the anti-war resistance and anarchist movement in these countries. It is also necessary to direct efforts to ensure that the Belarusian army does not enter the war at all or for as long as possible. This requires active agitation among people of conscription age and assistance in leaving the country for those who do not want to participate in the war on the side of the aggressor.
We also see merit in criticizing the nationalisms that are causing a rise in xenophobia throughout the region. Educational campaigns are needed to clarify the difference between society and the state, especially in the context of autocracies and regimes with growing elements of fascism.
Among our diaspora, we see uncritical support for the Belarussian battalions, so it is important to widely disseminate anarchist ideas as a counterbalance to the rising right-wing currents. This is important if future political change in Belarus is to be based more on ideas of expanding individual and collective freedoms in economics and politics, rather than on nationalist myths.
It is also important to prepare for war within the European Union by developing knowledge and skills that increase the autonomy of individuals and collectives during emergencies.
- Written by a group of Belarusian anarchists in Warsaw